sexta-feira, 31 de julho de 2015
quinta-feira, 30 de julho de 2015
Educação privada em alta
For-profit education
The $1-a-week school
Private schools are booming in poor countries. Governments should either help them or get out of their way
quarta-feira, 29 de julho de 2015
Economistas do Fracasso
Os Economistas do Fracasso: no governo geraram o caos, fora dele agem como se a culpa não fosse sua
domingo, 26 de julho de 2015
A mitologia do "new deal"
The Mythology of Roosevelt and the New Deal
Also published in The Freeman
Also published in The Freeman
| 1916 | 13 | 17 |  |
The Great Depression was a watershed in American history. Soon after Herbert Hoover assumed the presidency in 1929, the economy began to decline, and between 1930 and 1933 the contraction assumed catastrophic proportions never experienced before or since in the United States. Disgusted by Hoover’s inability to stem the collapse, in 1932 the voters elected Franklin Delano Roosevelt, along with a heavily Democratic Congress, and set in motion the radical restructuring of government’s role in the economy known as the New Deal.
With few exceptions, historians have taken a positive view of the New Deal. They have generally praised such measures as the massive relief programs for the unemployed; the expanded federal regulation of agriculture, industry, finance, and labor relations; the establishment of a legal minimum wage; and the creation of Social Security with its old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, and income supplements for dependent children in single-parent families, the aged poor, the physically handicapped, and the blind. In the construction of the American regulatory and welfare state, no one looms larger than FDR.
Mais
With few exceptions, historians have taken a positive view of the New Deal. They have generally praised such measures as the massive relief programs for the unemployed; the expanded federal regulation of agriculture, industry, finance, and labor relations; the establishment of a legal minimum wage; and the creation of Social Security with its old-age pensions, unemployment insurance, and income supplements for dependent children in single-parent families, the aged poor, the physically handicapped, and the blind. In the construction of the American regulatory and welfare state, no one looms larger than FDR.
Mais
Banco do Brasil
Banco do Brasil se torna banco mais barato do mundo após governo vender ações - InfoMoney
Veja mais em: http://www.infomoney.com.br/bloomberg/mercados/noticia/4170355/banco-brasil-torna-banco-mais-barato-mundo-apos-governo-vender
Veja mais em: http://www.infomoney.com.br/bloomberg/mercados/noticia/4170355/banco-brasil-torna-banco-mais-barato-mundo-apos-governo-vender
quarta-feira, 22 de julho de 2015
Brasil sob a tirania da burocracia
“A Federação Alemã de Futebol presenteou a ONG Azo, que ajuda crianças carentes na comunidade do Parque Capuava, em Santo André, no ABC paulista, com 270 exemplares de seu uniforme. No entanto, a mercadoria está travada na alfândega brasileira desde novembro do ano passado, e a entidade está com dificuldades para conseguir retirar o equipamento junto à Receita Federal.“
Mais
Mais
terça-feira, 21 de julho de 2015
sábado, 18 de julho de 2015
Brasil perto do abismo
O Brasil à beira do abismo
Os próximos passos do Brasil serão decisivos para determinar se o país consegue dar a volta à crise ou se mergulhará definitivamente numa espiral de degradação económica, política e social.
Mais
Mais
quinta-feira, 16 de julho de 2015
Economia alemã 2015
Germany Becomes the World’s Perfect Economy
By Douglas A. McIntyre
The IMF's recent "consultation" with Germany showed that its economy has no major weaknesses. The consultations involve the IMF sending its staff to a country for conversations with local financial leaders. An IMF report is the result of this work.
terça-feira, 14 de julho de 2015
Crise da dívida de Grécia - novo acordo
Conheça os principais pontos do acordo sobre a Grécia
Parlamento grego tem dois dias para aprovar primeiras medidas, que incluem reforma das aposentadorias e do mercado de trabalho e aumento de impostos. Terceiro pacote de resgate pode chegar a 86 bilhões de euros.
segunda-feira, 13 de julho de 2015
Complexidade econômica
The building blocks of economic growth
Complexity matters
ECONOMIST Ricardo Hausmann, of Harvard Univeristy, and César Hidalgo, of the Massachusetts Institute of Technology, have just released the absorbing (and very visually appealing) Atlas of Economic Complexity. It builds on their earlier work which we wrote about here.
Mais
Mais
Blanchard sobre a crise da Grécia
Posted on July 9, 2015 by iMFdirect
By Olivier Blanchard
All eyes are on Greece, as the parties involved continue to strive for a lasting deal, spurring vigorous debate and some sharp criticisms, including of the IMF.
In this context, I thought some reflections on the main critiques could help clarify some key points of contention as well as shine a light on a possible way forward.
The main critiques, as I see them, fall under the following four categories:
All eyes are on Greece, as the parties involved continue to strive for a lasting deal, spurring vigorous debate and some sharp criticisms, including of the IMF.
In this context, I thought some reflections on the main critiques could help clarify some key points of contention as well as shine a light on a possible way forward.
The main critiques, as I see them, fall under the following four categories:
domingo, 12 de julho de 2015
Mais médicos
Mais Médicos: Brasil já transferiu R$ 2,8 bi para Cuba
Levantamento realizado pelo site de VEJA revela o total de recursos desembolsados pelo Ministério da Saúde desde 2013 para o pagamento dos 11 400 médicos cubanos
Uniâo Monetária da perspectiva de Milton Friedman
The Euro: Monetary Unity To Political Disunity?
Milton Friedman
SAN FRANCISCO - A common currency is an excellent monetary arrangement under some circumstances, a poor monetary arrangement under others. Whether it is good or bad depends primarily on the adjustment mechanisms that are available to absorb the economic shocks and dislocations that impinge on the various entities that are considering a common currency. Flexible exchange rates are a powerful adjustment mechanism for shocks that affect the entities differently. It is worth dispensing with this mechanism to gain the advantage of lower transaction costs and external discipline only if there are adequate alternative adjustment mechanisms.
quinta-feira, 9 de julho de 2015
Crise brasileira
No Roda Viva, o economista Paulo Rabello de Castro analisa a crise brasileira
O economista Paulo Rabello de Castro costuma recorrer a uma analogia bastante didática quando instado a examinar a crise brasileira: “Imagine o Brasil como um grande condomínio, que precisa de atenção, cuidados e reparos. O síndico do prédio fez uma campanha prometendo balas e bombons na portaria, festinhas uma vez por mês e baile funk no playground. Depois de eleito, impõe o racionamento de água, limita o uso do elevador social e nada de festinhas e guloseimas. A reação dos moradores é de revolta e indignação”.
Mas quem está errado, pergunta o doutor em economia pela Universidade de Chicago: “o síndico que não cumpriu o que prometeu ou o condômino que votou esperando se beneficiar de uma série de agrados, sem cobrar uma proposta de reforma e manutenção do prédio?”
“Estão errados tanto os condôminos quanto o síndico”, respondeu Rabello de Castro no Roda Viva desta segunda-feira. Um dos coordenadores do Movimento Brasil Eficiente, o entrevistado também fez fortes críticas ao desempenho do governo Dilma Rousseff e ao ajuste fiscal proposto pelo ministro da Fazenda, Joaquim Levy.
Mais
Mas quem está errado, pergunta o doutor em economia pela Universidade de Chicago: “o síndico que não cumpriu o que prometeu ou o condômino que votou esperando se beneficiar de uma série de agrados, sem cobrar uma proposta de reforma e manutenção do prédio?”
“Estão errados tanto os condôminos quanto o síndico”, respondeu Rabello de Castro no Roda Viva desta segunda-feira. Um dos coordenadores do Movimento Brasil Eficiente, o entrevistado também fez fortes críticas ao desempenho do governo Dilma Rousseff e ao ajuste fiscal proposto pelo ministro da Fazenda, Joaquim Levy.
Mais
Burocracia brasileira destrou a economia
Sei Shiroma is, frankly, a tiny player in Brazil’s $2 trillion economy. A 29-year-old immigrant from New York, he runs a pizzeria out of the ground floor of an old apartment building near downtown Rio de Janeiro. The place seats, when tightly packed, maybe 10 people.
But Shiroma’s saga as an aspiring entrepreneur, and the bitter attitude it instilled in him, underscore one of the great ills plaguing Latin America’s biggest economy. It can be excruciatingly painful to open -- and then operate -- a business in Brazil.
Shiroma refers to the months he spent last year supervising construction and tracking down documents needed to open the restaurant as the worst time of his life. And then he delivers a damning verdict: When he expands his business, he may go somewhere in Europe rather than trying to open another pizzeria in Brazil.
“I’m still recuperating emotionally,” Shiroma says.
While Brazil’s long slide into its worst recession in 25 years has any number of high-profile causes -- from ballooning federal debt to the corruption scandal paralyzing the oil industry -- the government’s inability to untangle this bureaucratic mess is a key factor too, acting as an impediment to investment. It is one of the many structural reforms the country failed to address during the boom years of the previous decade, when soaring prices for its commodity exports papered over the gaping holes in the economy.
In the World Bank’s “Doing Business 2015” list, Brazil ranks 120th out of 189 countries. That puts it behind nations like Nicaragua, Swaziland and Lebanon. It takes 103 days to open a business in Sao Paulo, the study shows. In Mexico City, it takes six days. Four in New York City. Getting a construction permit, meanwhile, can take 400 days in Sao Paulo, more than four times the wait in Mexico City and New York.
Mais
But Shiroma’s saga as an aspiring entrepreneur, and the bitter attitude it instilled in him, underscore one of the great ills plaguing Latin America’s biggest economy. It can be excruciatingly painful to open -- and then operate -- a business in Brazil.
Shiroma refers to the months he spent last year supervising construction and tracking down documents needed to open the restaurant as the worst time of his life. And then he delivers a damning verdict: When he expands his business, he may go somewhere in Europe rather than trying to open another pizzeria in Brazil.
While Brazil’s long slide into its worst recession in 25 years has any number of high-profile causes -- from ballooning federal debt to the corruption scandal paralyzing the oil industry -- the government’s inability to untangle this bureaucratic mess is a key factor too, acting as an impediment to investment. It is one of the many structural reforms the country failed to address during the boom years of the previous decade, when soaring prices for its commodity exports papered over the gaping holes in the economy.
In the World Bank’s “Doing Business 2015” list, Brazil ranks 120th out of 189 countries. That puts it behind nations like Nicaragua, Swaziland and Lebanon. It takes 103 days to open a business in Sao Paulo, the study shows. In Mexico City, it takes six days. Four in New York City. Getting a construction permit, meanwhile, can take 400 days in Sao Paulo, more than four times the wait in Mexico City and New York.
Mais
terça-feira, 7 de julho de 2015
segunda-feira, 6 de julho de 2015
Emprego e capital
"O que suporta e emprega trabalho produtivo é o capital dispendido em defini-lo para o trabalho e não a demanda dos compradores para o produto do trabalho quando concluída. A demanda por bens não é demanda de trabalho."
John Stuart Mill
John Stuart Mill
J.S. Mill, Principles of Political Economy. 7th ed. Edited by Ashley (1921), p. 79. The full passage reads: § 9. [Demand for commodities is not demand for labour] We now pass to a fourth fundamental theorem respecting Capital, which is, perhaps, oftener overlooked or misconceived than even any of the foregoing. What supports and employs productive labour, is the capital expended in setting it to work, and not the demand of purchasers for the produce of the labour when completed. Demand for commodities is not demand for labour. The demand for commodities determines in what particular branch (of production the) labour and capital shall be employed; it determines the direction of the labour; but not the more or less of the labour itself, or of the maintenance or payment of the labour. (These depend) on the amount of the capital, or other funds directly devoted to the sustenance and remuneration of labour. </titles/102#Mill_0223-02_310>.
John Stuart Mill
Steven Kates, “Reassessing the Political Economy of John Stuart Mill”
In this month's Liberty Matters online discussion we reassess the economic ideas of John Stuart Mill as found in his classic work Principles of Political Economy (1st ed. 1848, 7th ed. 1871) and other writings. In the Lead Essay by Steven Kates of the Royal Melbourne Institute of Technology it is argued that in the light of the evident failures of Keynesian economics to solve the problems of the boom and bust cycle, and that of ongoing high unemployment and economic stagnation, that we should go back to Mill's "Four Propositions on Capital" for enlightenment. In Kates's view there is "more insight into the operation of an economy than any of the Samuelson clones that have been published to explain what Keynes meant in trying to raise aggregate demand."
Dikastiscracia
"Dikastiscracia" - meu novo nome para designar o sistema político do Brasil
A teoria política conhece monarquia, democracia oligarquia, plutocracia e mais. Porém o que tem atualmente no Brasil é nada disso. Para criar um nome para o sistema político do Brasil proponho “dikastiscracia” – baseada na palavra grega para juiz (dikastis – δικαστής). O que temos no Brasil é “regra dos juízes”, chamado “dikastiscracia”.
A teoria política conhece monarquia, democracia oligarquia, plutocracia e mais. Porém o que tem atualmente no Brasil é nada disso. Para criar um nome para o sistema político do Brasil proponho “dikastiscracia” – baseada na palavra grega para juiz (dikastis – δικαστής). O que temos no Brasil é “regra dos juízes”, chamado “dikastiscracia”.
domingo, 5 de julho de 2015
Análise da dívida grega
A dívida externa tem sua própria lógica econômica que precisa ser levado em consideração quando um país enfrenta uma crise de dívida. A crise da dívida externa envolve não apenas o orçamento do governo, mas também a conta corrente. A dívida externa da Grécia é uma dívida pública realizada em moeda nacional sobre os quais ela não tem autoridade. Grécia deve resolver o seu problema de orçamento, o que exige gerar um excedente para o serviço de sua dívida. Em segundo lugar, a Grécia deve resolver seu problema da conta corrente, que requer um superávit em conta corrente, a fim de gerar divisas convertíveis suficientes para o serviço da dívida. Aqueles que acham a solução em um "Grexit" e um retorno da Grécia à uma própria moeda doméstica (nova dracma) não percebem que isso não melhora a situação de dívida. Pelo contrário. Quando a Grécia abandonará o euro, seu endividamento vai realmente aumentar em termos da nova moeda nacional. No final, tudo escorre para um superávit orçamental e um superávit na conta corrente os quais exigem uma queda da padrão de vida (salários líquidos inferiores) e um nível de preço mais baixo (deflação). Isto é necessário dentro ou fora do euro e no caso da Grécia a solução fora do euro é pior que ficar dentro da União Monetária Europeia.
Antony P. Mueller
Antony P. Mueller
sábado, 4 de julho de 2015
quinta-feira, 2 de julho de 2015
A crise de Grécia
Big Government, not 'austerity', has brought Greece to its knees
What I admire about the anti-capitalist left is their ability to present their ideas as somehow "unorthodox" and "anti-mainstream", when they are clearly nothing of the sort. Go to any high street bookstore, and you will find that the politics section consists of little else but the tomes of Naomi Klein, Noam Chomsky, Russell Brand, Owen Jones, Ha-Joon Chang, George Monbiot and the other usual suspects. If that is a "neoliberal hegemony", I dread to think what a left-wing hegemony would look like.
Still, I am amazed by how the British left has managed to convince themselves that Syriza somehow represented a break with "neoliberal politics" in Greece. According to Zoe Williams, what Syriza and other far-left parties in Europe have in common "is that they reject the prevailing economic verities”. Meanwhile, Owen Jones has trumpeted that “Outside the Greek finance ministry are cleaners who used to work there […] There is a real sense that maybe – just maybe – the likes of these sacked middle-aged cleaners could be the new masters now.” He adds: “No wonder so many [European] leftists [...] travelled to Athens for this moment. For many of them, neoliberalist triumphalism is all they have ever known.”
Yet after three and a half decades of economic statism and hyperinterventionism, how exactly is a party that stands for economic statism and hyperinterventionism a "break" with anything? Ever since the PASOK victory of 1981, Greek politics has been Fifty Shades of Red, and Syriza merely represents a more glaring shade in this spectrum.
Mais
Still, I am amazed by how the British left has managed to convince themselves that Syriza somehow represented a break with "neoliberal politics" in Greece. According to Zoe Williams, what Syriza and other far-left parties in Europe have in common "is that they reject the prevailing economic verities”. Meanwhile, Owen Jones has trumpeted that “Outside the Greek finance ministry are cleaners who used to work there […] There is a real sense that maybe – just maybe – the likes of these sacked middle-aged cleaners could be the new masters now.” He adds: “No wonder so many [European] leftists [...] travelled to Athens for this moment. For many of them, neoliberalist triumphalism is all they have ever known.”
Yet after three and a half decades of economic statism and hyperinterventionism, how exactly is a party that stands for economic statism and hyperinterventionism a "break" with anything? Ever since the PASOK victory of 1981, Greek politics has been Fifty Shades of Red, and Syriza merely represents a more glaring shade in this spectrum.
Mais
Deflação de preços
Price deflation is not a disaster, but a blessing
The ECB has finally launched its own open-ended Quantitative Easing (QE) planning to buy securities worth of €1.1tr euros. This unprecedented move requires a convincing justification. One argument in favor of QE is the low rate of price inflation in the Eurozone which allows the ECB to sell its program as countering a slide into deflation. Deflation is widely considered as the worst case scenario. The Economist claimed that deflation is “the world´s biggest economic problem”. Christine Lagarde called deflation an “ogre.”
But is the deflation phobia really justified? Is price deflation a problem for the economy as a whole?
Mais
But is the deflation phobia really justified? Is price deflation a problem for the economy as a whole?
Mais
quarta-feira, 1 de julho de 2015
Assinar:
Postagens (Atom)